The collision of well-intentioned western activists and imperilled activists in the Global South illustrates the hazards of using global “naming and shaming” campaigns to apply pressure to developing nations with the hope of improving human rights practices.
L’administration Obama s’inquiète de la prévention des atrocités de masse surtout lorsque les intérêts américains sont en jeu. Cependant, dans le cas des conflits les plus meurtriers de la planète où les alliés des États-Unis sont les agresseurs, le R2P est rarement ou jamais mentionné ou invoqué.
Les États-Unis se soucient plus de la stabilité en RDC que de la promotion des intérêts nationaux rwandais ou Ougandais. L’analyse de Musavuli sur l’incapacité américaine à appliquer les principes de R2P (responsabilité de protéger) à la RDC ne tient pas compte de cet état de fait et sous-estime l
The US cares chiefly about stability in the DRC, rather than promoting Rwandan or Ugandan national interests. Musavuli’s analysis of America’s failure to apply the principles of R2P to the DRC does not take this into account, and understates recent US policy changes. A contribution to the openGlob
Las discusiones sobre la responsabilidad de proteger (responsibility to protect, R2P), e incluso los términos del debate, suelen privilegiar la alternativa militar, aunque hay pocos fundamentos empíricos para pensar que los ataques militares serán más eficaces para disuadir a quienes dañan a la po
Las discusiones sobre la responsabilidad de proteger (responsibility to protect, R2P), e incluso los términos del debate, suelen privilegiar la alternativa militar, aunque hay pocos fundamentos empíricos para pensar que los ataques militares serán más eficaces para disuadir a quienes dañan a la po
تميل النقاشات حول "المسؤولية عن الحماية" –وحتى بنود الجدال– إلى تفضيل الخيار العسكري، على الرغم من وجود تجارب عملية قليلة على أرض الواقع تجعلنا نفكر في أن توجيه ضربات عسكرية سوف تردع بصورة أفضل هؤلاء الذين يلحقون الأذى بالمدنيين. تحتاج استراتيجيات الحماية إلى تحليل أعمق لجميع العوامل المؤثرة المحت
The Obama administration is concerned with the prevention of mass atrocities mainly when it is in alignment with US interests. However in the case of the deadliest conflict in the world where US allies are the aggressors, R2P is rarely if ever mentioned or invoked. A contribution to the openGlobal
The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as applied in Libya promoted regime change and western interests. Resistance to a proposed intervention in Syria shows emerging powers and public opinion will not accept an ends justify the means logic, and the US ‘exceptionalism’ that is said to justify it. A c
Discussions on R2P – and even the terms of the debate – tend to privilege the military option, though there is little empirical basis for thinking military strikes will best deter those harming civilians. Protection strategies need a deeper analysis of all potential levers of influence. A contribu
Using the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to justify decisions to intervene militarily abroad is often self-serving. Countries like India are ambiguous about the right to intervene because the practice is deeply inequitable. A contribution to the openGlobalRights debate, R2P and the Human Rights C
The Assad killing machine, which was overwhelmingly nonchemical to begin with, can continue unfettered on its rampage. The killing fields of Syria – no end in sight.
