The constitution-making process must remain wedded to the public interest in the peace process, and not simply the narrow interests of political elites.
Refugees in South Sudan's Yida camp dispute UNHCR arguments for their relocation once again.
If impunity is the cost of peace, how can societies recover from violent conflict?
Sudan's 1964 revolution brought a military regime to an end. The reasons for the revolt were similar to those of the Arab Spring, and they persist—so why are there no protests?
Arab Awakening's columnists offer their weekly perspective on what is happening on the ground in the Middle East. Leading the week: Who cheered Mubarak’s acquittal on?
Darfur has practically been closed off to journalists, politicians and independent civil society organizations, and sexual violence and rape have now become a reality in women's day-to-day lives.
Most coverage of the conflict in South Sudan--in as far as there still is any--has presented it as a duel between rivals from the former seccessionist movement, reduced to cyphers for Dinka and Nuer ethnicities. There's more to it than that.
The fighting factional leaders in South Sudan have not just been engaging each other’s forces: they have dragooned the civilian population into a wider campaign of devastation.
The international community has a responsibility to end the bloodletting in South Sudan. And neither of its factional leaders, with blood on their hands, can be part of its future.
The spiral of violence in South Sudan is not simply an ethnic conflict of Dinka on Nuer. Politics, as well as oil, is at issue and a political settlement is required.
A power-grab by rebels would come with huge civilian casualties and also set a bad precedent in a country with long ethnic rivalries, lacking a professional military and with an armed civilian population.
Arab Awakening's columnists offer their weekly perspective on what is happening on the ground in the Middle East. Leading the week, MENA doctors in trouble.
